ROGUE AGENTS – Habsburg, Pinay and the Private Cold War 1951-1991 by David Teacher (2011 update)

Rogue Agents (2011 update) Click on image to read

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FOREWORD (2011) This third and final edition of Rogue Agents extends biographical information up to 201 1, particularly of the American allies of the complex, and of the core complex members — January 2011 marked the death of both Huyn and Richardson, and Habsburg died in July 2011 aged 98, whilst Fraga and Crozier live on. Violet – well, no-one has ever known. Recent university research on Interdoc and Franco’s Spain has been summarised and referenced; the section on CEDI has been much expanded; considerable information has been added on the Catholic groups Conseil international pour l’ordre Chrétien (CIOC) and the Comité International pour la Défense de la Civilisation Chrétienne (CIDCC) which involved Pinay, Violet, Dubois and Franco’s ministers in the 1950s and 1960s.

Pinay Circle – Rogue’s Gallery (click to view)

This final edition has therefore swollen to nearly 150,000 words; the full version now includes a documentary annex of some 175 pages of intemal documents as well as photographs of the main participants covered in this twenty-year investigation. This work has also expanded from text to video: the reader will find, in the footnotes, links to online footage of Crozier and his key American 6I allies such as Romerstein for the International Freedom Foundation, and Huyn for the Center for Intelligence Studies (search for ‘c-spanarchives’ to find all video links). As the documentary and picture annexes considerably increase the size of the PDF file, two versions of the book are now published: this full version, best viewed as a PDF (481 pages, 41 MB), and a shorter version (‘text only‘, 290 pages, 1.4 MB), containing the complete text, footnotes, sources and NSIC and IFF annexes, but without the documentary and picture annexes, suitable for emailing or printing.

David Teacher

Morgan: A Suitable Case for Treatment (1966 — Karel Reisz) see FILMS

A cult classic from the ‘sixties’ directed by Czech born filmmaker Karel Reisz. Morgan Delt, a gorilla-fixated artist with distinctly anarchist tendencies, is trying to regain the affections of his divorced wife Leonie (played by Vanessa Redgrave in her film debut) by variously kidnapping her, attempting to blow up her future mother-in-law and attacking her fiance. Not quite ‘One Flew Over the Cukoo’s Nest’, but Morgan’s depiction of madness, dark humour about the gradual destruction of a free spirit by an uncaring bourgeois society — and the actors’ vintage performances, particularly Irene Handl — made it one of the funniest and most provocative of British 60s comedies. The script reflects some of Marxist playwright David Mercer‘s concerns of the time — especially class politics, Trotskyism and R D Laing‘s perception of the mad as truly sane — while Karel Reisz’s direction balances Morgan’s failing real-world life with a fantasy life of gorillas. Released in April 1966 – the month Time magazine’s famous ‘Swinging London‘ issue was published – Morgan is both of its time and points forward to the darker popular culture that would ensue later that year and into 1968, the year of international youth revolution. Indeed, some argue its popularity among the young may well have contributed culturally to this radicalisation, certainly within Britain. The film’s depiction of madness is deliberately ambivalent. The inner logic of Morgan’s statements and his sure self-knowledge, as well as his rejection of the consumer society’s superficial trappings, mark him as the only sane character. His madness, therefore, is like the state celebrated by RD Laing: insanity not as a state worthy of condign treatment but as a rebellion, the only possible act of sanity in a mad, mad world. The symbol of the imprisoning restraint is echoed by Laing’s famous statement, in his book, Sanity, Madness and the Family: “Society places every child in a straitjacket”. Mercer was heavily influenced by Laing’s theories, and employed the psychologist as a consultant on his 1967 drama Two Minds, which related a young woman’s schizophrenia to her oppressive family background. Mercer was not alone in espousing Laing’s theories, which, as the anarchist writer Jeff Nuttall charted in his 1968 book Bomb Culture, fed directly into the radical aesthetics of the mid-60s underground. In some ways, they were the perfect antidote to the collapse of the old communist left. They would gain an even greater popularity after 1968. See full FILM

 

Después de… No se os puede dejar solos and Después de… Atado y bien atado (1981 – Cecilia Bartolomé & José Juan Bartolomé) see FILMS

Después de… Fascinating PCE (Spanish Communist Party)-sponsored vox-pop documentary — in 2 parts: No se os puede dejar solos and Atado y bien atado, a reference to Franco’s  alleged ‘tying up of loose ends’. The documentary focuses on the final days of Franco and the legacy of Francoism. How, through the process of ‘la transición’ and the ‘pact of silence’, Franco, his cronies and his appointed successor, King Juan Carlos I, sought to perpetuate the power, wealth, and the political and social institutions and attitudes created by the military coup d’état against the Spanish Republic, the ensuing Nazi-and Catholic Church-backed war against his own people, and the bloody and brutal post-war repression over which he presided as ‘Caudillo’ — absolute ruler.

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Angry Franquista misses ‘The Rapture’ — again! Ya os juzgará el Altísimo en el día del juicio final …

1969-2009 (Atado y bien atado)

CAPTAIN SWING in Sussex and Kent by Mike Matthews £1.50 see eBookshelf

THE UNTOLD STORY OF RURAL CLASS WAR IN THE SOUTH EAST OF ENGLAND (AND A GEORGIAN ‘ANGRY BRIGADE’)

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IN 1830, after the prolonged agricultural recession that followed the close of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815, a series of riots swept across England’s southern counties. The outbreaks went on to spread, largely unchecked, into East Anglia, the Midlands and several northern counties, eventually to reach Carlisle. The economic hardship of the long-suffering, wretchedly oppressed and half-starved labourers had become so acute that their usual forbearance finally snapped. This agrarian rebellion was fuelled by an unprecedented level of class hatred and bitterness. Driven by a blind desire for revenge and reprisal against the farmers and their wealthy friends, the farmhands were set on a course of violent, direct retaliatory action, regardless of the consequences.

Mike Matthews, the author charts Swing’s progress through just two southern counties, Kent and Sussex, which suffered the greatest levels of incendiarism and destruction of machinery, but this is not a comprehensive regional study of the riots, since to list in chronological order one lawless episode after another would soon become very tedious for the reader: the destruction of farm premises and machinery in Kent and Sussex was on an immense scale, as will become abundantly clear in this narrative. Wherever possible he has tried to avoid duplicating existing published material on Swing, and, whenever feasible, has attempted to combine all the previous historical information on the riots into detailed case-studies of various size. Two chapters contain subject matter relating to the outbreaks that has never before been seen in print and readers interested in the emergence of agricultural trade unionism will learn something new. TOLPUDDLE MARTYRS MUSEUM

Captain Swing explores, closely, what county and national reporters in 1830 were calling a ‘war of poverty against property’, a civil strife of ‘destitution against possession’, and breathes new life and colour into the criminal exploits and violent resistance of the Captain Swing insurgents, to endeavour to understand what their contemporaries described apprehensively as ‘their dark mischief’ and ‘state of reckless insubordination’.

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from a room in Glasgow by James Kelman

I should lay my cards on the table: I did not vote in the last UK General Election. Nor the one before. Nor the one before that. I never take part in any UK elections. I enjoy a game of charades now again but preferably with my grandchildren.

It is presumed that those who hold my position have no politics. People say: But you must vote! Men and women died for your right to take part! This can be true or false, depending on the argument, but such statements typically indicate an ignorance of radical history. Anti-parliamentarianism is the forgotten strain of the socialist movement in Scotland. Most people know nothing of this. They wait until somebody like myself stops talking then they switch topics. Those who hold views similar to mine are isolated unless directly engaged. Popular history focuses on obsequious warriors in tartan kilts who idolise chieftans and monarchs, lay down their lives for these glorious leaders, and consign for eternal subjection their children and children’s children.

There is an irony somewhere, given that the Scottish Enlightenment is premised on the inherent value of the individual perception. Young people were encouraged to ask questions. Nowadays they learn intellectual deference if not obedience; our education system has lost its own foundation, in favour of the Anglo-American model.

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